According to the Jew York Times Mattis wanted the US Navy to “intercept and board an Iranian ship to look for contraband weapons possibly headed to Houthi fighters in Yemen. But the ship was in international waters in the Arabian Sea. Mattis ultimately decided to set the operation aside, at least for now.”
The raid was cancelled by Mattis when he was told by his Naval advisers that Iran would not it take such violation sitting down and would certainly retaliate targeting the US Naval ships in the area or close the Strait of Hormuz for the cargo ships carrying oil supplies from and to US allies.
Last month Iran’s Navy successfully tested a ground-based anti-ship cruise missile during a drill in the Indian Ocean.
“Iran has always supported all Islamic groups who are anti-Israel such as the Shi’ite Hizbullah in Lebanon and also the Sunni ones like Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Palestine, with money and arms. On the other hand, Houthis did neither receive money nor arms from Iran. Yes, there have been frequent visits from Yemenis Zaidi scholars, such as Badr al Deen, the father of the current leader. Houthis were an isolated movements at war with the Saleh’s government, so naturally they would be eager to voice their opinions to whomever was willing to listen. Iran was! Since when non-official single-person visits means alliance, I ask!?,” says Khaled Sharafuddin.
On February 9, 2017, Philip Giraldi in an article, entitled, Iran Hawks take the White House, at The American Conservative (publisher is Jew millionaire Ron Unz) said: “The United States is adding new sanctions on Iran over that country’s alleged misdeeds, and nearly all of those allegations are either out-and-out lies or half-truths. It has a familiar ring to it, as demonizing Tehran has been rather more the norm than not since 1979, a phenomenon that has included fabricated claims that the Iranians killed American soldiers after the U.S.’s armed interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. This time around, the administration focused on the perfectly legal Iranian test of a non-nuclear-capable, medium-range ballistic missile and the reported attack on what was initially claimed to be a U.S. warship by allegedly Iranian-backed Yemeni Houthi fighters. The ship was later revealed to be a Saudi frigate.”
“Hating Iran has a considerable pedigree. I must confess to being of a generation in the federal government, like Gen. Flynn and others, where saying something derogatory about Iran was in the DNA, welcomed by all and sundry. I nursed a personal and specific grudge relating to the mullahs, as an Iranian government agent tried to kill me in Turkey in the 1980s. But more often the animosity was generic, sometimes expressed humorously at CIA Station staff meetings. I recall how one fellow officer who was undercover at a consular office would positively gloat as he described how many Iranian visa applicants he had turned down in the past week and everyone would bang their fists on the conference table, signifying their approval. Of course, we all felt fully justified in our Iranophobia due to the 1979-80 embassy hostage crisis, which was still very fresh in our minds,” says Giraldi.
“But my rancor toward Iran has long since faded. I have Iranian friends and have come around to the view that Iran has much more been sinned against than sinned in its relationship with the United States. With the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015, I even began to believe that the two nations might well be able to resume something like normal diplomatic relations, which would benefit everyone involved. Alas, such hopes appear to be scuppered by a recent wave of Iran hysteria that bids fair to eclipse the Russian panic that has consumed the media and chattering class during the past six months,” adds Giraldi.